Therefore, with the intergenerational transfer of wealth and the focus on education as an exciting tool, in general, most overseas Chinese are often the perfect portrayal of "model minority" in terms of education, wealth and low crime rate. This is true in the United States, Britain and Australia.
因此，随着财富的代际转移，以及对教育这一令人振奋的工具的关注，总体而言，大多数海外侨胞在教育、财富和低犯罪率方面往往是“模范少数群体”的完美写照。这在美国、英国和澳大利亚都是如此。
However, in the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia, few Chinese people can reach an amazing level of wealth like a few Indonesian Chinese in Indonesia. Why?
但在美国、英国和澳大利亚，很少有中国人能像在印尼的少数印尼华人那样达到惊人的财富水平，为什么会这样？
A key issue is that Indonesian Chinese have been regarded as "foreigners" in Indonesia. In the early days of the founding of the Republic of Indonesia, they were excluded from political and military participation, and Suharto regarded them as useful allies.
一个关键问题在于，印尼华人在印尼一直被视为“外国人”。在印度尼西亚共和国成立初期，他们被排除在政治和军事参与之外，苏哈托将他们视为有用的盟友。
He granted some second-generation Indonesian Chinese businessmen exclusive "licenses" (such as monopolies) in certain industries, such as trade or commodities. Under the monopoly, they accumulated huge wealth, but had no political power.
他授予了一些第二代印尼华商在某些行业的独家“许可”（如垄断等），如贸易或商品。在垄断的情况下，他们积累了巨大的财富，但没有政治权力。
This is possible, because as permanent outsiders, they will never be the opponents of Indonesian political struggle, but become useful (and compliant) partners in a customer sponsorship system. With their huge wealth, any Indonesian politician or general can use them to obtain "funds" or "monetary resources", because the license to obtain so much funds for Indonesian Chinese tycoons depends entirely on the nod of politicians.
这是可能的，因为作为永久的局外人，他们永远不会是印尼人政治斗争的对手，而是在一个客户赞助系统中成为有用的（和顺从的）合作伙伴。凭借其巨大的财富，任何印度尼西亚政治人物或将军都可以利用他们来获得“资金”或“货币资源”，因为为印尼华人大亨获得如此多资金的许可证完全取决于政客们的点头。